'Russiagate' Kilimnik Oleg Deripaska Paul Manafort Robert Mueller Russia Ukraine video

Mueller’s Trump-Russia spy turns out to be Obama spy working for Ukraine (Video)

The Duran’s Alex Christoforou and Editor-in-Chief Alexander Mercouris talk about the newest explosive bombshell to crush Robert Mueller’s credibility and expose his manipulation of the underlying details that formed his remaining report on the Trump-Russia collusion hoax.

The Hill’s John Solomon stories that Robert Mueller’s key determine linked to Russia (keep in mind the “Russian operative” who Paul Manafort gave polling knowledge to) was the truth is and Obama period State Division intel supply..in other words and Obama spy working with Manafort in Ukraine.

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Authored by John Solomon, by way of The Hill…


In a key discovering of the Mueller report, Ukrainian businessman Konstantin Kilimnik, who labored for Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, is tied to Russian intelligence.

However a whole lot of pages of presidency paperwork — which special counsel Robert Mueller possessed since 2018 — describe Kilimnik as a “sensitive” intelligence supply for the U.S. State Division who informed on Ukrainian and Russian issues.

Why Mueller’s group omitted that a part of the Kilimnik narrative from its report and related courtroom filings is just not recognized. But the revelation of it comes as the accuracy of Mueller’s Russia conclusions face increased scrutiny.

The incomplete portrayal of Kilimnik is so essential to Mueller’s general narrative that it is raised within the opening of his report. “The FBI assesses” Kilimnik “to have ties to Russian intelligence,” Mueller’s staff wrote on Page 6, putting a sinister mild on each contact Kilimnik had with Manafort, the former Trump campaign chairman.

What it doesn’t state is that Kilimnik was a “sensitive” intelligence supply for State going again to no less than 2013 whereas he was still working for Manafort, according to FBI and State Division memos I reviewed.

Kilimnik was not simply any run-of-the-mill source, either.

He interacted with the chief political officer at the U.S. Embassy in Kiev, typically meeting several occasions every week to provide info on the Ukraine authorities. He relayed messages back to Ukraine’s leaders and delivered written stories to U.S. officials by way of emails that stretched on for hundreds of phrases, the memos show.

The FBI knew all of this, nicely earlier than the Mueller investigation concluded.

Alan Purcell, the chief political officer on the Kiev embassy from 2014 to 2017, advised FBI agents that State officials, including senior embassy officers Alexander Kasanof and Eric Schultz, deemed Kilimnik to be such a beneficial asset that they stored his identify out of cables for worry he would be compromised by leaks to WikiLeaks.

“Purcell described what he considered an unusual level of discretion that was taken with handling Kilimnik,” states one FBI interview report that I reviewed. “Normally the head of the political section would not handle sources, but Kasanof informed Purcell that KILIMNIK was a sensitive source.”

Purcell advised the FBI that Kilimnik offered “detailed information about OB (Ukraine’s opposition bloc) inner workings” that typically was so invaluable it was forwarded instantly to the ambassador. Purcell discovered that different Western governments relied on Kilimnik as a supply, too.

“One time, in a meeting with the Italian embassy, Purcell heard the Italian ambassador echo a talking point that was strikingly familiar to the point Kilimnik had shared with Purcell,” the FBI report states.

Kasanof, who preceded Purcell as the U.S. Embassy political officer, informed the FBI he knew Kilimnik labored for Manafort’s lobbying firm and the administration of former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, whose Celebration of Regions employed Manafort’s agency.

Kasanof described Kilimnik as one of the few reliable insiders the U.S. Embassy had informing on Yanukovych. Kilimnik started his relationship as an informant with the U.S. deputy chief of mission in 2012–13, before being handed off to the embassy’s political office, the data recommend.

“Kilimnik was one of the only people within the administration who was willing to talk to USEMB,” referring to the U.S. Embassy, and he “provided information about the inner workings of Yanukovych’s administration,” Kasanof informed the FBI agents.

“Kasanof met with Kilimnik at least bi-weekly and occasionally multiple times in the same week,” all the time outdoors the embassy to keep away from detection, the FBI wrote. “Kasanof allowed Kilimnik to take the lead on operational security” for their conferences.

State officials advised the FBI that though Kilimnik had Ukrainian and Russian residences, he didn’t seem to hold any allegiance to Moscow and was important of Russia’s invasion of the Crimean territory of Ukraine.

“Most sources of information in Ukraine were slanted in one direction or another,” Kasanof informed brokers. “Kilimnik came across as less slanted than others.”

“Kilimnik was flabbergasted at the Russian invasion of Crimea,” the FBI added, summarizing Kasanof’s interview with brokers.

Three sources with direct information of the inside workings of Mueller’s workplace confirmed to me that the particular prosecutor’s workforce had all the FBI interviews with State officers, in addition to Kilimnik’s intelligence studies to the U.S. Embassy, nicely earlier than they portrayed him as a Russian sympathizer tied to Moscow intelligence or charged Kilimnik with collaborating with Manafort in a scheme to impede the Russia investigation.

Kasanof’s and Purcell’s interviews are corroborated by scores of State Division emails I reviewed that include common intelligence from Kilimnik on happenings inside the Yanukovych administration, the Crimea conflict and Ukrainian and Russian politics. For example, the memos show Kilimnik offered real-time intelligence on every thing from whose star in the administration was rising or falling to efforts at stuffing poll bins in Ukrainian elections.

Those emails increase additional doubt concerning the Mueller report’s portrayal of Kilimnik as a Russian agent. They show Kilimnik was allowed to go to the USA twice in 2016 to meet with State officers, a clear sign he wasn’t flagged in visa databases as a overseas intelligence menace.

The emails also present how deceptive, by omission, the Mueller report’s public portrayal of Kilimnik turns out to be.

For example, the report makes an enormous deal about Kilimnik’s assembly with Manafort in August 2016 on the Trump Tower in New York.

By that time, Manafort had served as Trump’s campaign chairman for several months but was about to resign because of a growing controversy concerning the tens of millions of dollars Manafort accepted as a overseas lobbyist for Yanukovych’s social gathering.

Particularly, the Mueller report flagged Kilimnik’s delivery of a peace plan to the Trump campaign for settling the two-year-old Crimea conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

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“Kilimnik requested the meeting to deliver in person a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort acknowledged to the Special Counsel’s Office was a ‘backdoor’ way for Russia to control part of eastern Ukraine,” the Mueller report said.

But State emails confirmed Kilimnik first delivered a version of his peace plan in Might 2016 to the Obama administration throughout a go to to Washington. Kasanof, his former handler on the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine, had been promoted to a prime policy position at State, and the 2 met for dinner on Might 5, 2016.

The day after the dinner, Kilimnik despatched an e-mail to Kasanof’s official State e-mail handle recounting the peace plan that they had mentioned the night time before.

Russia needed “a quick settlement” to get “Ukraine out of the way and get rid of sanctions and move to economic stuff they are interested in,” Kilimnik wrote Kasanof. The email provided eight bullet points for the peace plan — beginning with a ceasefire, a regulation creating economic recovery zones to rebuild war-torn Ukrainian areas, and a “presidential decree on amnesty” for anybody concerned within the battle on each side.

Kilimnik also offered a useful piece of intelligence, stating that the previous Yanukovych political get together aligned with Russia was lifeless. “Party of Regions cannot be reincarnated. It is over,” he wrote, deriding as “stupid” a Russian-backed politician who needed to restart the get together.

Kasanof replied the subsequent day that, though he was skeptical of a number of the intelligence on Russian intentions, it was “very important for us to know.”

He thanked Kilimnik for the detailed plan and added, “I passed the info to my bosses, who are chewing it over.” Kasanof informed the FBI that he believed he despatched Kilimnik’s peace plan to two senior State officials, including Victoria Nuland, President Obama’s assistant secretary of State for European and Eurasian affairs.

So Kilimnik’s supply of the peace plan to the Trump campaign in August 2016 was flagged by Mueller as probably nefarious, however its earlier supply to the Obama administration wasn’t mentioned. That’s what many in the intelligence world may name “deception by omission.”

Lest you marvel, the paperwork I reviewed included evidence that Kasanof’s interview with the FBI and Kilimnik’s emails to State concerning the peace plan have been in Mueller’s possession by early 2018, more than a yr before the ultimate report.

Officers for the State Department, the FBI, the Justice Division and Mueller’s workplace didn’t respond to requests for comment. Kilimnik didn’t respond to an e-mail in search of comment but, in an e mail last month to The Washington Publish, he slammed the Mueller report’s “made-up narrative” about him. “I have no ties to Russian or, for that matter, any intelligence operation,” he wrote.

Kilimnik holds Ukrainian and Russian citizenship, served in the Soviet army, attended a prestigious Russian language academy and had contacts with Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska. So it is probably he had contacts through the years with Russian intelligence figures. There also is proof Kilimnik left the U.S.-funded International Republican Institute (IRI) in 2005 because of considerations about his past connections to Russia, although at the very least one IRI witness disputed that evidence to the FBI, the memos show.

But, omitting his in depth, trusted help to the State Department seems inexplicable.

If Mueller’s workforce can forged such a misleading portrayal of Kilimnik, nevertheless, it begs the query of what else may be incorrect or omitted within the report.

Lawyer Common William Barr has stated a few of the Mueller report’s authorized reasoning conflicts with Justice Department insurance policies. And former Trump lawyer John Dowd made a compelling case that Mueller’s report wrongly portrayed a telephone message he left for a witness.

A number of more such errors and omissions, and People might begin to marvel if the Mueller report is well worth the paper on which it was printed.


John Solomon is an award-winning investigative journalist whose work through the years has uncovered U.S. and FBI intelligence failures earlier than the Sept. 11 attacks, federal scientists’ misuse of foster youngsters and veterans in drug experiments, and numerous instances of political corruption. He serves as an investigative columnist and government vice chairman for video at The Hill. Comply with him on Twitter @jsolomonReports.

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